Showing posts with label Psychology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Psychology. Show all posts

Monday, December 15, 2025

Book Review: Dopamine Nation

  


Dopamine Nation is a 2021 book written by Anna Lembke. Dr. Lembke is a psychiatrist and the medical director of Stanford Addiction Medicine.

The book, with its catchy subtitle "Finding Balance in the Age of Indulgence", focuses on modern trends of overconsumption, specifically in American society.

To understand the book, we need to put some contemporary social pathologies into context. Princeton economists reported shorter life expectancy among white Americans without a college degree. The morbid findings of midlife mortality among caucasians were mostly attributed to three major causes: substance abuse, alcohol-related liver disease, and suicide. (The term "Death of Despair" was coined by Anne Case and Angus Deaton, and the phenomenon is discussed in their book Deaths of Despair and the Future of Capitalism.)

The book oscillates between patients and personal memories, and scientific rationale backed by some evidence-based material. Most cases are clinical cases of high-end drug abuse or other types of addiction. To tackle the goliath of addiction, it is inevitable to (at least) touch on a few domains beyond the narrow scope of psychiatry. Education, pop culture, sociology, economy, internet, and information technology are the key players in this problem, and accordingly must be addressed as components of any proposed solution.

A part of the psychology of addiction is rooted in education and the current education system. As an example, in Chapter 2 (Running From Pain), the author questions some approaches to modern treatment of children:

"... I worry that we oversanitized or overpathologized childhood, raising our children in the equivalent of a padded cell, with no way to injure themselves but also no means to ready themselves for the world."

Later in the same chapter, the book quotes Neil Postman (American media theorist and cultural critic:

"... Americans no longer talk to each other, they entertain each other. They do not exchange ideas, they exchange images. They do not argue propositions; they argue with good looks, celebrities, and commercials."

These self-deceptive behaviors, norms, or traits divert attention and insulate us from pain. As mentioned earlier, this book is founded on American psychology. The book reports that pain perception is higher among Americans compared to other nations.

An interesting part of the book explains the physiology of pleasure, anticipation, action, reward, and ultimately pain. The brain's reward pathway involves the ventral tegmental area, the nucleus accumbens, and the prefrontal cortex. While dopamine plays the key role in the sensation of pleasure, its role is even more potent in the motivation to get a reward (Wanting over Liking!).

Chapter 3 (The Pleasure-Pain Balance) introduces the concept of dopamine-deficit state: a neurological process that occurs as a result of overconsumption of dopamine substances. This overexposure disturbs the dopamine release as well as the expression of dopamine receptor (D2), bringing about a full reversal from hedonism to anhedonia.

In Part II (Chapter 4 onwards), the book shifts gears towards solutions and management strategies. Chapter 4 introduces four weeks of Dopamine Fasting for starters. The point is that we need to embrace the pain and acknowledge the suffering instead of escaping from it. The critique should target escapism rather than the pain (This section of the book is in accordance with Susan David's Emotional Agility.)

In Chapter 5 (Space, Time, and Meaning), the Self-binding is defined as the method we intentionally and willingly create barriers between ourselves and our drug of choice to mitigate compulsive overconsumption. Later in this chapter, the book criticizes some aspects of current practice where pharmacotherapy alone is applied without understanding the patient and targeting the underlying behaviors. These lopsided approaches have usually proven futile.

As the study by Warren Bickel revealed, the addicted have a different perspective on the future. The compromised abstract thinking and planning lead to shrinking temporal horizons. One consequence of repeated overconsumptive behaviors, which are modulated through reward pathways, is the atrophy of the prefrontal cortex. For the addicted, the concept of "Future" is shrunken to next week, whereas a normal person looks at a more expansive horizon, years ahead. Fixing this perception should be stressed as a key task in any treatment regime.

Further, the applied medical treatment is not impeccable. Chapter 6 (Broken Balance?) underlines some wrong medical modalities in the prescription of psychotropic medications. The new role has been assigned to psychiatrists to replace the missing chemicals in patients' brains to enable them to work normally. This idea has been welcomed by the pharmaceutical companies, doctors, and patient consumers. The trend becomes more alarming when we notice the disparity in the administration of narcotics between lower and higher socioeconomic classes. Americans on federally funded Medicaid are prescribed opioid painkillers at twice the rate of non-Medicaid patients.

In Part III (Pressing on the Pain Side), the book enters a debate about pain-pleasure management, suggesting pressing on the pain side of the equilibrium can lead to a better and more enduring pleasure. The pain here is grossly used as any type of stress induced under control. The book claims repetitive exposure to pain stimuli leads to shorter initial responses and builds an afterresponse of pleasure, which grows over time. As a result of the fight-or-flight mechanism in our neuroendocrinology, pain morphs into hypervigilance and then morphs into a fit of joy. This part of the book is sensitive and subject to misunderstanding, and in my opinion, requires better structure. The idea as the author mentions, is counterintuitive and against dogma in the field. There are references to studies linking stress to increased dopamine release in the brain's reward pathway. Also, the administration of opioid receptor blocker (naloxone) is shown to block the ameliorative effect of repetitive pain stimuli (suggestive of increased endogenous opioid release in response to pain). These concepts may be labelled as hormetic healing. Overall, I agree with the concept of carefully dosed "pain" stimulus as a method to bring back balance to the flawed pleasure-pain equilibrium. Here, the term "pain" warrants careful definition and a precision medicine approach tailored to each individual's psychosomatic profile.

The next chapter (Chapter 8: Radical Honesty) also explores the means to break the cycle of addiction and overconsumption by opting for a Radical Honesty attitude and utilizing Prosocial Shame.

Prosocial shame is the term used in contrast with a second (and morbid) type of shame called "Destructive Shame". The prosocial shame theory is predicated on the idea that shame can be harnessed as a constructive force through "acceptance" of the defect, flaw, or any transgressive behavior. This interaction and constructive behavior result in a sense of belonging and reduced consumption. 

These chapters stress the importance of prosocial shame in the management of addiction and beyond, for example, in parenting. The personal example from Dr. Lembke's family explains that the concept of perfection is a misleading goal to base a family upon. Instead, an open-hearted willingness to work in collaboration to rectify our mistakes is the way to create true intimacy. 

Truthfulness and honesty encourage a mindset called "Sense of Plenty" (opposed to "Sense of Scarcity"), which enhances the delayed gratification pathway.

Maybe a combination of these methods, applying measured pain stimuli, being radically honest, and being willing to work together (as an individual, a family, or a society/nation) can remedy the maladies of today's hypermedicated, overstimulated, pleasure-saturated world.

Sunday, August 11, 2024

Book summary: Factfulness


Factfulness addresses ten cognitive biases that can affect and compromise our logical faculty. The book is the work of Hans Rosling, a physician/epidemiologist, and expectedly provides a data-driven POV. However, a knack for storytelling makes Hans Rosling's work more fluid and accessible. Herein I briefly summarize the crux of these ten "instincts":

1- Gap instinct:

A tendency to divide things, and ideas, into two distinct groups with sharp contrast: for example, a word divided into super-rich and extremely poor, stuck in poverty. This is false and data support an income distribution with the majority in the middle-range.

2- Negativity instinct:

A tendency to emphasize the negative aspect of each event, experience, etc. 

3- Single instinct:

A cognitive bias can be described as a simplified approach to a complex problem. When someone tries to analyze a multifaceted problem by studying a single parameter. 

4- Fear instinct:

Paying more attention to frightening things. This dominance overrides rational decision-making. The antidote is rational analysis and problem-solving to understand risks and opportunities. 

5- Size instinct:

A cognitive bias that associates the importance or significance of a phenomenon with its size.

6- Generalization instinct:

The inclination for dividing the subjects into two categories. The underlying cause is our preference for simplicity and efficiency in analyzing complex matters. 

7- Destiny instinct:

A cognitive bias that leads the individual to believe the outcomes are predetermined and decided by fate and are totally out of one's control. This can predictably be a huge obstacle to becoming responsible and proactive in tackling life matters.

8- Single-perspective instinct:

The tendency to observe and appreciate a problem from a single viewpoint. This approach may limit our ability to see the big picture and deprive us of reaching out and using others' expertise. 

9- Blame instinct:

The Blame Instinct is a cognitive bias that leads us to assign blame or responsibility for a situation or problem to a single individual or group. This instinct can be seen in various aspects of our lives, from our personal relationships to our professional and political spheres. 

10- Urgency instinct:

This cognitive bias forces us to act immediately in response to a challenge, even when unnecessary. This cognitive blind spot has deep roots in our evolutionary history. Our ancestors acquired a predilection to react swiftly on the face of potential threats. This bias does not translate to a well-rounded logical method in problem-solving in the human race now.


Pedram July 2024

Image from gapminder.org






Friday, March 20, 2020

Early-career Setbacks: A Mixed Psychological Effect

The following is an excerpt from a very interesting study by Wang et al. 
You can find the full-text here: https://arxiv.org/pdf/1903.06958.pdf

“Science is 99 percent failure, and that’s an optimistic view”, said Robert Lefkowitz, who was awarded the Nobel prize in 2012 for his groundbreaking studies of G protein-coupled receptors. Despite the ubiquitous nature of failures, it remains unclear if a setback in an early career may augment or hamper an individual’s future career impact. Indeed, the Matthew effect suggests a rich get richer phenomenon where early-career success helps bring future victories. In addition to community recognition, bringing future attention and resources, success may also influence individual motivation, where positive feedback bolsters self-confidence. Together, these views indicate that it is early-career success, not failure, that would lead to future success. Yet at the same time other mechanisms suggest that the opposite may also be true. Indeed, screening mechanisms suggest that, if early-career failures screen out less-determined researchers, early setbacks among those who remain could, perhaps counterintuitively, become a marker for future achievement. Further, failure may teach valuable lessons that are hard to learn otherwise, while also motivating individuals to redouble effort, whereas success may be associated with complacency or reduced future effort due to utility maximization. Such positive views of failure are reflected in Nietzsche’s classic phrase “what doesn’t kill me makes me stronger”, in the celebration-of-failure mindset in Silicon Valley, and in a recent commencement address by U.S. Supreme Court chief justice John Roberts, who told graduating students “I wish you bad luck.” Overall, these divergent perspectives indicate that the net effect of an early-career setback is unclear. Given the consequential nature of this question to individual careers and the institutions that support and nurture them, and building on the remarkable progress in our quantitative understanding of science, here we ask: Can an early-career setback lead to future career impact?
To offer quantitative answers to this question, we leverage a unique dataset, containing all R01 grant applications ever submitted to the NIH, to examine early-career success and failure. NIH funding decisions are largely determined by paylines derived from evaluation scores. Our empirical strategy harnesses the highly nonlinear relationship between funding success and evaluation score around the funding threshold. Indeed, focusing on individuals whose proposals fell just above and below the threshold allows us to compare observationally-similar individuals who are either near misses (individuals who just missed receiving funding) or narrow wins (individuals who just succeeded in getting funded). Here we focus on junior scientists by examining principal investigators (PIs) whose first application to the NIH was within the previous three years. We combine the NIH grant database with the Web of Science data, tracing their NIH R01 grant applications between 1990 and 2005 together with research outputs by the PIs, measured by their publication and citation records (see Supplementary Note 1 for details). In total, our analyses yielded 561 narrow wins and 623 near misses around the payline.

Published in Nature Communications

Sunday, August 25, 2013

Well Being Not a Priority

Working overtime may cost you your health, according to a Kansas State University doctoral researcher.
Sarah Asebedo, doctoral student in personal financial planning and conflict resolution, Edina, Minn., conducted a study using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979. She and her colleagues -- Sonya Britt, assistant professor of family studies and human services and director of the university's personal financial planning program, and Jamie Blue, doctoral student in personal financial planning, Tallahassee, Fla. -- found a preliminary link between workaholics and reduced physical and mental well-being. The study, "Workaholism and Well-Being," will appear in Financial Services Review, a journal of individual financial management.
"We looked at the association between workaholism and physical and mental well-being," Asebedo said. "We found workaholics -- defined by those working more than 50 hours per week -- were more likely to have reduced physical well-being, measured by skipped meals. Also, we found that workaholism was associated with reduced mental well-being as measured by a self-reported depression score."
The link between workaholism and well-being has been assumed for years; however, there was a lack of research supporting the link until this study, Asebedo said. To understand why people work overtime even when they know it is not good for their well-being, the researchers used Gary S. Becker's Theory of the Allocation of Time, a mathematical analysis for choice measuring the cost of time.
"It looks at the cost of time as if it were a market good," Asebedo said. "This theory suggests that the more money you make, the more likely you are to work more. If you are not engaged in work-related activities, then there is a cost to the alternative way in which time is spent. Even if you understand the negative consequences to workaholism, you may still be likely to continue working because the cost of not doing so becomes greater."
According to Asebedo, Becker's theory suggests that not only can working more make a person wealthier but it also creates less leisure time to spend money. As income increases a person may be more likely to work more and create an unhealthy habit.
As a full-time wealth manager for Accredited Investors in Edina, Asebedo has found the research useful in counseling clients. She advises workaholics to be aware of the effect excessive work has on their physical and mental well-being and to be prepared for what they can do to mitigate or counteract the effects during busy work periods.
"From a financial planning and counseling perspective, it's good to be aware of workaholism," Asebedo said. "It helps me understand what can be the cause of my clients' stress. It's just a reminder that you may want to dig a bit deeper into clients' work lives. Sometimes you might find that they don't like what they are doing and they want to make a change, yet financially, they don't know how they can accomplish that."
Asebedo received her bachelor's and master's degrees from Kansas State University. She returned to the university to get her doctorate in personal financial planning through the Division of Continuing Education distance program because she was interested researching the role conflict resolution plays in financial planning.
Data for the study was taken from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort, a nationally representative sample of 12,686 young men and women who were interviewed on an annual basis from 1979 through 1994 and are currently interviewed on a biennial basis.

Monday, November 26, 2012

خاستگاه آگاهی در فروپاشی ذهن دوجایگاهی


مدتی پیش توسط یکی از دوستان کتابی سه جلدی به من معرفی شد به نام  "خاستگاه آگاهی در فروپاشی ذهن دوجایگاهی"  نوشته ی جولیان جینز. البته کتاب جدید نیست ولی نکات قابل تاملی را مطرح می کند. فکر می کنم بی ارتباط با پروژه ی فکریی که من با معرفی کتاب "کارکردهای ذهنی در جوامع عقب افتاده "نوشته ی لوسین لوی-برول افتتاح کردم نباشد. ساعات زیادی به بحث در باره ی این موضوع گذشت و غضب بسیاری را به جان خریدیم. هنوز این کتاب را نخوانده ام اما نکاتی اجمالی در باره ی این کتاب را این جا می آورم. شایان ذکر: متن ذیل عینا از پست ارسالی یکی از دوستان و بدون دخل و تصرف آورده شده است. پدرام


در یادداشت مترجمان چنین بیان می شود:"باید در یابیم که هوموساپینس, موجودی که در روند تکامل در اثر یک جهش بوجود آمد و برای دهها هزار سال زندگیش تفاوت چندانی با میمونها نداشت چگونه به آگاهی دست یافت و علم, هنر و اخلاق آفرید..."و این کتاب با عنوان مبهم و نثر ثقیل آن تلاشی است برای پاسخگویی به این سوال اساسی.خاستگاه آگاهی در فروپاشی ذهن دوجایگاهی تلفیقی است از روانشناسی, نورولوژی, تاریخ, ادبیات و... برای درک ماهیت آگاهی و چگونگی بوجود آمدن آن. حاصل کار, یک اثر سه جلدی است که در یک مجموعه یک جلدی گردآوری شده و توسط متخصصان نورولوژی و اعصاب ترجمه شده است.نویسنده در ابتدا به برخی از تعاریف نادرست در مورد اینکه آگاهی چیست می پردازد و در ادامه با بحثی پیرامون این مساله که آگاهی چه چیزی نیست به مسایل جالبی نظیر: "آگاهی لازمه یادگیری نیست", "آگاهی برای تفکر لازم نیست"و "آیا آگاهی الزامی است؟" اشاره می کند.در فصل دوم کتاب اول زیربنای بحث اصلی کتاب مطرح می شود بدین گونه که نویسنده معتقد است که آگاهی با زبان آغاز می شود و آن هم با زبان استعاره! "ادراک به شیوه استعاری" و "زبان استعاری ذهن" در این فصل مورد بحث قرار می گیرد. با استفاده از زبان استعاره واقعیتهای دنیای بیرونی در مورد ادراکات, حسیات, تجارب و نیازهای درونی بازتاب یافته و منجر به خلق فضای درونی در انسان می گردد که ما در آن فضا قادر به دیدن, شنیدن, پس و پیش رفتن, روایت کردن و در کل تمام حرکاتی هستیم که در فضای بیرونی از آن بهره مندیم و اکنون با جادوی استعاره قادر به تجسم خلاق تمام آن فضای بیرونی در جایی در درون خود می باشیم.ایده ذهن دوجایگاهی که بلافاصله بعد از این مبحث مطرح می شود عقیده ای جنجالی است. نویسنده معتقد است آگاهی پدیده ای نیست که از شروع حیات انسانها با ما همراه بوده باشد! او معتقد است آگاهی زمانی حوالی هزاره قبل از میلاد در انسان بوجود آمده است! برای اثبات این ادعا نویسنده ایده ذهن دوجایگاهی و بلافاصله بعد از آن مغز دوجایگاهی را مطرح می کند. او معتقد است انسان ناآگاه دارای دو بخش خدایی و انسانی بوده است و ندای خدایان در سراسر هزاره های طولانی راهنما, راهبر و فرمانروای زندگی انسانها بوده است. توهمات شنوایی و  حتی بینایی که در تمام لحظات زندگی همراه انسانها بوده اند در عمل, نقش آگاهی کنونی را برای انسان بازی می کرده اند.فصل پنجم کتاب اول که نظریه مغز دوجایگاهی را بیان می کند از جمله جذابترین بخشهای کتاب است. بحثی است نورولوژیکی در مورد منشا نداهای دوجایگاهی. نویسنده با تکیه بر تجارب و دانسته های عصب شناسی معتقد است که نیمکره راست به عنوان جایگاه خدایان و نیمکره چپ مغز مرکز تسلط قدرتهای انسانی است. بخشهای "ردپای اعمال خداگونه در نیمکره راست" و "تفاوت نیمکره ها در کارکردهای شناختی انعکاسی از تفاوتهای انسان و خداست" سرشار است از مثالهای حیرت آور و تکان دهنده مبتنی بر علم نورولوژی در مورد اثبات این عقاید. ایجاد دوباره نداها در اثر تحریکات قسمتهای خاصی در نیمکره راست, خاموشی نیمکره راست و توانایی سخنگویی نیمکره چپ در حالی که هر دو نیمکره قادر به فهم زبانند, مستقل بودن نیمکره ها از یکدیگر به طوری که در برخی از بیماران که ارتباط این دو نیمکره با هم قطع شده دست چپ (مربوط به نیمکره راست خاموش) چیزی را حس میکند یا میکشد اما زبان (نیمکره چپ) نامی اشتباه به زبان می آورد به طوری که نیمکره راست از جواب غلط نیمکره چپ دلخور می شود. "شاید مثل دلخوری آتنه هنگامی که او موهای زرد آشیل را گرفت و پیچاند و نگذاشت که شاه خود را بکشد یا دلخوریهای یهوه از تبه کاریهای مردمش" نمونه ای از این مثالهاست. "به هر حال مطالعه برخی بیماران که ارتباط دو نیمکره شان قطع شده است با قاطعیت نشان می دهد که دو نیمکره چنان عمل می کنند که به نظر می رسد مثل دو فرد مستقل هستند که در عصر دوجایگاهی بودند. به نظر من, فرد بود و خدایش"!! کتاب اول با بحثی پیرامون منشا تمدن و چگونگی بوجود آمدن زبان به پایان می رسد.در کتاب دوم "گواهی تاریخ" نویسنده می کوشد با سیری در تاریخ از ابتدای بوجود آمدن تمدن تا هزاره قبل از میلاد شواهدی از سلطه ذهن دوجایگاهی, شنود نداهای توهمی خدایان و نبود آگاهی را ارائه نماید. این شواهد شامل اطلاعاتی نظیر اطاعت از ندای پادشاهان مرده، تجسم خدایان در قابل بتها و انتساب نداهای توهمی به آنها, شاه- خدایان زنده  و صدها مثال و شاهد دیگر می گردد. نویسنده می کوشد نشان دهد که فرمان خدایان باستانی با رعایت سلسله مراتبهای اجتماعی توسط تمام مردم قابل شنیدن بوده و اطاعت مطلق و بدون تاملی به دنبال داشته است. این خدایان مالک جان و مال انسانها بوده و در تمام لحظات زندگی آنها حضور داشته و نقش آگاهی ناداشته را در راهبری و راهنمایی انها ایفا می کرده اند. این اقتدار الهی در هزاره های دوم تا اول قبل از میلاد به دلایل چندی رو به کاهش می نهد. نوشتن یکی از دلایل اصلی آغاز محو شدن نداهای دو جایگاهیست. خط و قانون جای فرمانهای شنوایی را می گیرد. مهاجرت, تجارت و در هم آمیختگی اقوام مختلف باعث تضعیف و برخورد خدایان مختلف, ایجاد جنگها, خصومتها و کشتارهایی می شود که تا آن زمان در تاریخ حیات بشر بی سابقه بوده اند و در نهایت نداهای توهمی کم رنگتر و ناشنیدنیتر می شوند. با تضعیف نداها انسان دوجایگاهی هراسان از سکوت خدایان تلاش می کند تا به هر نحو ممکن عدم حضور آنها را توجیه و آنها را فراخوانی کند. نخستین فرشتگان و دیوان در این زمان ابداع می شوند و انسان ناآگاه و ناامید برای احضار خدایان به غیب گویی, فال و قرعه کشی رو می آورد. نخستین نیایشها و ایده بهشت نیز از این زمان آغاز می شود زیرا انسان دوجایگاهی که خدایان را در تمام لحظات زندگی همراه داشته تا این زمان نیازی به نیایش احساس نمی کرده است.نویسنده در بخش "آگاهی خردورزانه یونان" با توسل به ایلیاد و اودیسه به ارائه نخستین شواهد آگاهی یونانی و کلماتی که او آنها را "اقنومهای پیش آگاهی" می نامد, می پردازد و سیر تحولی این کلمات را از مفاهیم جسمانی و بیرونی تا مضامین درونی و آگاهانه بررسی می کند. در آخرین بخش از کتاب دوم که بحثی پیرامون آگاهی عبرانیهاست تقلیل یافتن خدایان متعدد به یک خدای واحد (یهوه) و شواهد آگاهی در عهد عتیق بررسی می شود. در این قسمت اشاره به افرادی می شود که با حفظ ذهن دوجایگاهی و تداوم شنیدن نداهای خدا یا خدایان به عنوان خیل عظیم پیامبران عبرانی شناخته می شوند و چگونگی رانده شدن آنان را از اجتماع آگاه آن روز عبرانیها بیان می کند.کتاب سوم که به بررسی "آثار ذهن دوجایگاهی در جهان مدرن" می پردازد با اشاره ای به غیب گویی معابد آغاز می شود که تلاشی است برای احضار خدایان و چاره جویی از آنها در گرفتن تصمیمات مختلف. ردپای دیگر ذهن دوجایگاهی در جهان مدرن را می توان در مفهوم تسخیر حال چه مثبت (قدیسان) و چه منفی (جن زدگی) جستجو کرد. بحث بسیار جالب نویسنده در خصوص شعر و آواز و موسیقی و ارتباط آن با نیمکره راست خداگونه بسیار در خور تامل و تفکر است. مسایلی که در مورد ماهیت خداگونه شعر بیان میشود برای ما ایرانیان به هیچ وجه غریب و ناآشنا نیست! هیپنوتیسم ردپایی دیگر از ذهن دوجایگاهی در جهان مدرن فرض شده و بحثی کامل در مورد آن انجام شده است و سرانجام کتاب با فصل مربوط به شیزوفرنی به پایان خود نزدیک می شود. شیزوفرنی شاید نزدیک ترین تشابه به ذهن دوجایگاهی گذشته های دور باشد. "شنود توهمات شنوایی", "افول من تمثیلی", "فروپاشی فضای ذهنی" و "شکست در روایت سازی" از جمله مشکلاتی است که بیمار شیزوفرنیک با آن دست به گریبان است و با در نظر گرفتن خصوصیات مشابه برای ذهن دوجایگاهی می توان به این نتیجه جالب توجه رسید که نسلهای ناآگاه پیشین در واقع نمود عینی بیماران شیزوفرنیک عهد حاضر بوده اند!!! طلایه داریهای علم که عنوان اخرین فصل کتاب است, بحثی است پیرامون مقوله علم و دین و اینکه به رغم تمام تلاشها و حرف و حدیثها این دو هنوز از هم جدا نشده و هدف نهایی و والای علم رسیدن به الهویت, درک عظمت الهی  و بازگشت به معصومیت گم شده در هزاره های تاریخ عنوان میشود.

Monday, May 9, 2011

Beyond Revenge

it's an interesting article ,psychological analysis of ecstatic joy after Bin Laden's death/Pedram
Some Americans celebrated the killing of Osama bin Laden loudly, with chanting and frat-party revelry in the streets. Others were appalled — not by the killing, but by the celebrations.
“It was appropriate to go after Bin Laden, just to try to cut the head off that serpent, but I don’t think it’s decent to celebrate a killing like that,” said George Horwitz, a retired meat cutter and Army veteran in Bynum, N.C.
Others were much more critical. “The worst kind of jingoistic hubris,” a University of Virginia student wrote in the college newspaper, The Cavalier Daily. In blogs and online forums, some people asked: Doesn’t taking revenge and glorying in it make us look just like the terrorists?
The answer is no, social scientists say: it makes us look like human beings. In an array of research, both inside laboratories and out in the world, psychologists have shown that the appetite for revenge is a sensitive measure of how a society perceives both the seriousness of a crime and any larger threat that its perpetrator may pose.
Revenge is most satisfying when there are strong reasons for exacting it, both practical and emotional.
“Revenge evolved as a deterrent, to impose a cost on people who threaten a community and to reach into the heads of others who may be contemplating similar behavior,” said Michael McCullough, a psychologist at the University of Miami and author of “Beyond Revenge: The Evolution of the Forgiveness Instinct” (Jossey-Bass, 2008). “In that sense it is a very natural response.”
Many of the sources of the joyous outburst were obvious: A clear victory after so many drawn-out conflicts. A demonstration of American competence, and of consequences delivered. The public relations value of delivering a public blow to a worldwide terror network. And, it needs to be said, the timing: The news hit just as many bars were starting to clear out for the night.
But this was much more than a simple excuse to party.
“Pure existential release,” said Tom Pyszczynski, a social psychologist at the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, who has studied reactions to 9/11. “Whether or not the killing makes any difference in the effectiveness of Al Qaeda hardly matters; defeating an enemy who threatens your worldview, the very values you believe are most protective, is the quickest way to calm existential anxiety.”
After almost 10 years, the end was nothing if not final. “The emotions were so strong, I think, because the event was compacted: Bin Laden was found and killed, and it was done — done and over, just like that,” said Kevin Carlsmith, a social psychologist at Colgate University and the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford. “We’re so used to people being brought in, held at Guantánamo, the trials, the appeals; it feels like justice is never done.”
As a rule, people are far more forgiving than they might guess, studies find. After most betrayals, like being dumped by a love interest or insulted, the urge for revenge erodes around the same rate that certain memories do: sharply in the first few weeks, and much more slowly afterward. The same kind of pattern can follow even physical assaults, depending on the circumstances and the personality of the victim.
“The intensity of the emotion falls off precipitously, simply because the body can’t carry such a giant load of outrage and function very well,” Dr. McCullough said.
But the urge for payback — especially for a crime like the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, which killed almost 3,000 civilians — never goes to zero. “There is a stubborn part of the memory that hangs on to the urge, to a little piece of it,” and the pain is refreshed every time the memory is recalled, Dr. McCullough said.
It is easy to forget how much fear was in the air after the 9/11 attacks: the anthrax    mailings, the airport lines, the color-coded terror alerts. Many of those celebrating late on Sunday and early Monday were teenagers during those years, young people who have lived much of their lives under the threat of terrorism — and this terrorist in particular — and who had the time and energy to hit the streets and share the moment.
“For them this was a chance to be a part of history,” Dr. Pyszczynski said.
In a long series of studies, psychologists have shown that when people are reminded that they will one day die, they fixate on attributes they consider central to their self worth. Those who are religious become more so; those who value strength or physical attractiveness intensify their focus on these qualities; and people generally become more patriotic, more supportive of aggressive military action.
“Even subtle reminders of 9/11 have the same effect,” Dr. Pyszczynski said.
The sight of Bin Laden’s face on television or a smartphone news feed might have been enough to move people from the sidelines into the streets, to cheer for the home team.
Finally, people everywhere have a strong belief in “just desserts” punishment. In a 2002 study, psychologists at Princeton University had more than 1,000 participants evaluate specific crimes and give sentencing recommendations for each. The subjects carefully tailored each recommended sentence to the details of the infraction, its brutality and the record of the perpetrator.
The drive to enforce those sentences varies widely from person to person. But in a crowd of like-minded people, the most intense drives for justice become the norm: People who may have felt a mix of emotions in response to the news can be swept up in the general revelry.
Thus the natural urge for revenge — satisfied so suddenly, releasing a decade of background anxiety, stoked by peers — feeds on itself. Delight turns to chanting turns to climbing on lamp posts.
by : Benedict Carey

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

On Impact of Physician Burnout


by : Kevin Pho
I wrote last year in USA Today about the impact of physician burnout. Not only do doctors suffer, but so do their patients.

Burnout starts early in residency, with entering interns having a depression rate of 4%, similar to the general public. But after the first year of residency, that number balloons to 25%.
Now, another study adds fuel to this disturbing trend.
A paper published in the Archives of General Surgery looks at the prevalence of physician burnout in surgeons:
In a national survey, one in 16 surgeons reported contemplating suicide, researchers reported.
An increased risk of suicidal ideation was linked to three factors: depression, burnout, and the perception of having made a recent major medical error …
… But only about one in four of those who reported thinking about taking their own lives sought psychiatric or psychologic help.
The rate of suicidal ideation in surgeons, at 6.3%, was almost double of that in the general population (3.3%).
Physician burnout is a phenomenon that’s often ignored. The practice environment is deteriorating, with increasing time pressures and worsening bureaucratic burdens. Little of this is addressed in the national health conversation, or in the recently passed health reform law.
As more doctors burnout and quit medicine, patients will suffer. It’s certainly not an ideal situation as more than 30+ million newly-insured patients will be looking for physicians to care for them in the coming years.
And for the physicians who stay, burnout will impact the care they give to patients — including a decrease in empathy and an increase in medical errors.
Burnt out doctors feel they have little recourse. In the Archives study,
Only 130 surgeons — 26% of those who had recent suicidal thoughts — had sought psychiatric or psychologic help.
Among the 501 doctors who reported suicidal thoughts, 301 said they were reluctant to seek help because of worry that it could affect their medical license.
That’s unacceptable. Hospitals need to better recognize the signs of burnout and increase the support they give to depressed physicians.
Another consideration would be to better monitor work hours to ensure proper work-lifestyle balance. Today, doctors in training are strictly regulated to ensure they work no longer than 80 hours a week. Once they graduate and practice in the real world, that oversight ceases. There is nothing to prevent doctors from working days at time, which can happen at an understaffed, rural hospital, for instance.
The same zeal that goes into limiting residents’ work hours should be applied to doctors in the real world, to ensure their workload doesn’t drive them to burnout and potential suicide.

Sunday, December 12, 2010

یک ابهام

کتاب راه موفقیت جان گری رو به اتمام است.کلا از خواندن این کتاب لذت بردم.ترجمه ی روان هم مزید بر علت شد تا خواندن کتاب بیشتر به دل بنشیند.انتخاب این تیپ کتابها برای من کار دشواری بوده است.در این زمینه هیچ سررشته ای ندارم  و به نوعی وقتی این کتاب را به دست گرفتم امید چندانی نداشتم که توجهم را جلب کند.تنها نکته ای که به نظر من چالش بر انگیز بود،کوبیدن تردید و سوق دادن ذهن به سمت ندانستن بود.در این که تردید مخل آرامش ذهن است شکی نیست ولی خب این توصیه خیلی عام است و نمی توانم بپذیرم که برای رسیدن به آرامش ،نوعی سکون را به ذهن ناآرامم تحمیل کنم./ پدرام -صبح زیبای یکشنبه

Monday, December 6, 2010

My Author Of The Month (November)


Thanks John ,I felt your words stood by me in the miserable moments of last sunday.I had enjoyable moments reading this book.It's easy to read,practical and highly inspirational.I can see how it made its way to the market .

Monday, November 22, 2010

Be Here Now

And now, welcome back for the hypothesis of our experiment: Wherever your mind went — the South Seas, your job, your lunch, your unpaid bills — that daydreaming is not likely to make you as happy as focusing intensely on the rest of this column will.
I’m not sure I believe this prediction, but I can assure you it is based on an enormous amount of daydreaming cataloged in the current issue of Science. Using an iPhone app called trackyourhappiness, psychologists at Harvard contacted people around the world at random intervals to ask how they were feeling, what they were doing and what they were thinking.
The least surprising finding, based on a quarter-million responses from more than 2,200 people, was that the happiest people in the world were the ones in the midst of enjoying sex. Or at least they were enjoying it until the iPhone interrupted.
The researchers are not sure how many of them stopped to pick up the phone and how many waited until afterward to respond. Nor, unfortunately, is there any way to gauge what thoughts — happy, unhappy, murderous — went through their partners’ minds when they tried to resume.
When asked to rate their feelings on a scale of 0 to 100, with 100 being “very good,” the people having sex gave an average rating of 90. That was a good 15 points higher than the next-best activity, exercising, which was followed closely by conversation, listening to music, taking a walk, eating, praying and meditating, cooking, shopping, taking care of one’s children and reading. Near the bottom of the list were personal grooming, commuting and working.
When asked their thoughts, the people in flagrante were models of concentration: only 10 percent of the time did their thoughts stray from their endeavors. But when people were doing anything else, their minds wandered at least 30 percent of the time, and as much as 65 percent of the time (recorded during moments of personal grooming, clearly a less than scintillating enterprise).
On average throughout all the quarter-million responses, minds were wandering 47 percent of the time. That figure surprised the researchers, Matthew Killingsworth and Daniel Gilbert.
“I find it kind of weird now to look down a crowded street and realize that half the people aren’t really there,” Dr. Gilbert says.
You might suppose that if people’s minds wander while they’re having fun, then those stray thoughts are liable to be about something pleasant — and that was indeed the case with those happy campers having sex. But for the other 99.5 percent of the people, there was no correlation between the joy of the activity and the pleasantness of their thoughts.
“Even if you’re doing something that’s really enjoyable,” Mr. Killingsworth says, “that doesn’t seem to protect against negative thoughts. The rate of mind-wandering is lower for more enjoyable activities, but when people wander they are just as likely to wander toward negative thoughts.”
Whatever people were doing, whether it was having sex or reading or shopping, they tended to be happier if they focused on the activity instead of thinking about something else. In fact, whether and where their minds wandered was a better predictor of happiness than what they were doing.
“If you ask people to imagine winning the lottery,” Dr. Gilbert says, “they typically talk about the things they would do — ‘I’d go to Italy, I’d buy a boat, I’d lay on the beach’ — and they rarely mention the things they would think. But our data suggest that the location of the body is much less important than the location of the mind, and that the former has surprisingly little influence on the latter. The heart goes where the head takes it, and neither cares much about the whereabouts of the feet.”
Still, even if people are less happy when their minds wander, which causes which? Could the mind-wandering be a consequence rather than a cause of unhappiness?
To investigate cause and effect, the Harvard psychologists compared each person’s moods and thoughts as the day went on. They found that if someone’s mind wandered at, say, 10 in the morning, then at 10:15 that person was likely to be less happy than at 10 , perhaps because of those stray thoughts. But if people were in a bad mood at 10, they weren’t more likely to be worrying or daydreaming at 10:15.
“We see evidence for mind-wandering causing unhappiness, but no evidence for unhappiness causing mind-wandering,” Mr. Killingsworth says.
This result may disappoint daydreamers, but it’s in keeping with the religious and philosophical admonitions to “Be Here Now,” as the yogi Ram Dass titled his 1971 book. The phrase later became the title of a George Harrison song warning that “a mind that likes to wander ’round the corner is an unwise mind.”
What psychologists call “flow” — immersing your mind fully in activity — has long been advocated by nonpsychologists. “Life is not long,” Samuel Johnson said, “and too much of it must not pass in idle deliberation how it shall be spent.” Henry Ford was more blunt: “Idleness warps the mind.” The iPhone results jibe nicely with one of the favorite sayings of William F. Buckley Jr.: “Industry is the enemy of melancholy.”
Alternatively, you could interpret the iPhone data as support for the philosophical dictum of Bobby McFerrin: “Don’t worry, be happy.” The unhappiness produced by mind-wandering was largely a result of the episodes involving “unpleasant” topics. Such stray thoughts made people more miserable than commuting or working or any other activity.
But the people having stray thoughts on “neutral” topics ranked only a little below the overall average in happiness. And the ones daydreaming about “pleasant” topics were actually a bit above the average, although not quite as happy as the people whose minds were not wandering.
There are times, of course, when unpleasant thoughts are the most useful thoughts. “Happiness in the moment is not the only reason to do something,” says Jonathan Schooler, a psychologist at the University of California, Santa Barbara. His research has shown that mind-wandering can lead people to creative solutions of problems, which could make them happier in the long term.
Over the several months of the iPhone study, though, the more frequent mind-wanderers remained less happy than the rest, and the moral — at least for the short-term — seems to be: you stray, you pay. So if you’ve been able to stay focused to the end of this column, perhaps you’re happier than when you daydreamed at the beginning. If not, you can go back to daydreaming starting...now.
Or you could try focusing on something else that is now, at long last, scientifically guaranteed to improve your mood. Just make sure you turn the phone off.